Search ▸ Communication to the City Council
Letter from Janet Moses, 73 School Street, in support of the amendments to the Cannabis Business Permitting Ordinance submitted by Councillors Siddiqui and Zondervan
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My name is Janet Moses
My address is 73 School Street. Cambridge
I am here to support the Zondervan/Sidiki Amendment
to the City's Cannabis Ordinance
The Boomtown,Hometown Report of the Cambridge
Community Foundation (CFF) clearly raises the
question whether Cambridge of the future will lack
the rich diversity, in terms of race, ethnicity and
income, of the past, and whether Cambridge's
historic commitment to social justice will continue
to define the city.
According to the CCF report. 60% of Black, and
42% of Latino Cambridge households are low
income but 75- 80% of white families are high
income.
The Cannabis industry can provide a lane to help
stave the economic hemorrhaging of our
communities of color.
Big Cannabis is threatening lawsuits to maintain
already existing rules and regulations, that in effect
protect the status quo—a status that relegates people
of color and poor people to the bottom of every barrel
of opportunity.
Such rules and regulations fly under the color of
'legality' but are made without due consideration of
the consequences of these laws to the welfare of the
public. The so-called 'war on drug wars' which has
devasted communities of color is a case in point.
In 1865 General Sherman, and Lincoln's Secretary of
War, Edwin Stanton, met with African-American leaders
to discuss what to do with the thousands of the formally
enslaved Africans who had liberated themselves by
fleeing the plantations of their bondage. 40 acres and a
mule-a ladder of opportunity-was proposed by Stanton,
and agreed to by the African American leaders at the
meeting. At the heart of the discussion was the issue of
the economic independence of Africans.
This discussion of 1865 illuminates and is applicable to
the issue before the Council today:
Will Empowerment Zones be created for communities
that bore the brunt of the criminalization of cannabis?
The country said 'NO' to the economic demands of the
African Leaders at that Jan. 1865 meeting.
And said 'NO' to The New Deal legislation that would
have lifted the African American citizenry out of
economic bondage.
And in 1989 our city said NO to Black parents who had
the audacity to establish a private school for Black and
Brown children on Brattle Street.
City Councilors Zondervan and Siddiqui have
introduced an ordinance that would advance the
empowerment of economically marginalized
communities by enacting a two year moratorium
on the ability of currently established cannabis
medical operations to convert their licences to
adult/recreational use licenses.
The City of Cambridge should say YES to the
Zondervan/ Sidiki amendment..
The moratorium would give Empowerment Zone
applicants—people earning less than 50% of the AMI
(area median income ) priority.
Today we are faced with the same questions as in
1865:
Can people of color and poor people reap the fruit of
their own labor, such that they are no longer poor?
The answer is YES.
Is there enough intelligence among Black and Brown
and poor folk to operate these businesses.
The answer is Yes.
Does Cambridge have the political will to move in
a direction to right the wrong of economic
disempowerment by passing the Zondervan,
Siddiqui Ordinance for Cannabis Empowerment
Zones?
The answer is in the hands of and on the conscious
of this esteemed City Council.
Thank you,
Janet Moses
Related Articles:
40 Acres and a mule: Justice Initiative
<[email removed].
Zoning Fight Forcing School to Move Sparks Bias
Charges in Boston Suburb, by Mark Walsh
10/11/1989.
www.edweek.org/ew/articles/1989/10/11/0909
0010.h09.
https://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/1989/10/11/09090010.h09.htm...
Zoning Fight Forcing School To Move Sparks Bias Charges in Bos...
EDUCATION WEEK.
Zoning Fight Forcing School To Move Sparks Bias Charges in
Boston Suburb
By Mark Walsh
October 11, 1989
1 Back to Story
A zoning battle that resulted in a private, mostly black
preschool's move from an affluent neighborhood in
Cambridge, Mass., has shaken that politically liberal
Boston suburb in recent weeks.
A candlelight vigil was held last week at the former site
of the Commonwealth Day School, which was forced to
move back across the Charles River to Boston after a
continuing battle with its neighbors over a land-use
permit made it impossible to register students for the
new school year.
The school's neighbors on Brattle Street, which is
described by some as home to the city's "Old Guard"
elite, circulated a petition last year and fought the
school's attempt to get a special permit needed to
operate a primary school. Among the signers were
some of the city's most prominent citizens, including a
nationally known television personality and a major
constitutional-law scholar.
Although the petitioners cited as main concerns the
increases in traffic and parking problems, a number of
their critics have charged that opposition to the school
was fueled by race and class bias.
At one zoning hearing, said Robert F. Myette,
headmaster of the school, "someone actually said we
were going to change the complexion of the
neighborhood."
Joan Wallace-Benjamin, president of the Urban League
of Eastern Massachusetts, whose son attended the
school last year, said she became convinced after
hearing neighbors voice their objections that "they
didn't care about traffic; they just didn't want children of color educated in the building."
One neighbor of the school who helped lead the battle against it did not return repeated phone
calls last week. Several other petition signers could not be reached for comment.
In published reports in the Boston press, however, petitioners have denied discriminatory intent.
One Brattle Street resident who signed the petition was quoted by the Boston Globe as saying
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that "the minority issue was never discussed."
Legal Maneuvers
The 18-year-old school moved from Boston to Cambridge in 1988, after buying the large,
mansion-style building that had previously served as a preparatory school for boys.
Neighbors were immediately suspicious, claimed Mr. Myette. One even obtained a cease-and-
desist order that delayed the school's move. Later, they gathered 235 signatures and sought to
block the school's occupancy permit and convert the building back into a residential-use-only
structure.
But last October, the Cambridge Zoning Board of Appeals granted&the school both its occupancy
permit and the special permit needed to expand to a primary school.
Neighbors then appealed the case to a state land court, whose backlog meant that the school's
case could not be heard until this fall.
Because of the uncertainty over its future, Commonwealth Day School was unable to sign up
students for the expanded grades. Lacking that means of expansion, officials made the decision to
move back to Boston.
"When parents came in to check out the school, I couldn't lie to them" about its legal status, said
Mr. Myette. "These parents wanted something definite."
The headmaster noted that the building's new occupant, a land-policy think tank, generates just
as much traffic and represents no more of a "residential use" than the preschool did. Yet, 40 of
the neighbors who signed petitions against the school, he said, came out in favor of a permit for
the new owners.
Chiding City's 'Liberals'
Commonwealth's move back to Boston might have passed quietly, had Sheila Russell, a
Cambridge City Council member, not expressed her distress over the neighborhood's actions. At
the request of Ms. Russell and Mayor Alfred Vellucci, the Cambridge School Committee voted to
lower flags at the city's publicel10lschools on opening day last month "to note the passing" of the
Commonwealth Day School.
This revived the debate, especially after the local news media became aware that the signers of
the original petitions against the school included several prominent citizens. In addition to a
federal judge and the president of the local public-television station, they included Julia Child,
whose nationally televised cooking show made her a celebrity, and Laurence Tribe, a professor at
the Harvard University Law School and a leading constitutional scholar.
Mr. Tribe has disavowed his signing of the petition. But some in the community have pointed to
the irony of so many leading exponents of liberal thought having appeared to have opposed a
predominantly black school "in their back yard."
"The very ones who opposed it are the liberals in the city," said Ms. Russell. "I think what most of
us object to the most is that the people who live here are always telling the rest of this city what
they should do."
The mayor, who is retiring this year but is currently running for a seat on the school committee,
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so many academic resources nearby at Harvard and m.i.t. They took that opportunity away from
these kids."
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Forty Acres and a Mule: Part One Participants & Minutes from Ge...
Justice Initiative International
Forty Acres and a Mule: Part One
Participants & Minutes from General
Sherman's Meeting with Black Leaders in
Savannah on January 12, 1865
• Uncategorized
© May 9, 2017
By Heather Gray
May 7, 2017
Justice initiative International
General William Tecomseh Sherman
Most of my professional career has been devoted to cooperative economic development and issues
relevant to Black farmers in the southern United States. Doing this work you cannot help but become
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ensconced in the history of slavery, the Civil War and its consequences. In this instance, knowing the
actions and attitudes of General William Tecomseh Sherman is essential, albeit with his occasional
condescending statements coupled with some understanding and seeming generosity (a general's
mindset some have noted).
In fact, it was Sherman and Lincoln's Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, who initiated the concept of the
" 40 acres" for freed slaves after listening to the demands of the freedmen.
As Sherman marched through Georgia toward Savannah from November 15 to December 21, 1864,
slaves left the Georgia plantations to follow him. Once in Savannah, Sherman realized he had to do
something about the Black folks who had followed him so he and Stanton called for a meeting with
Black elders to ask what they wanted.
"Forty Acres and a Mule"? In summary, the Black attendees in this historic meeting told Stanton and
Sherman that they wanted land to grow food and a community of their own to develop. Sherman re-
sponded with the famous "Field Order 15." In the "Order" Sherman provided 40 acres for families in
the abandoned land along the South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida "low country." Sherman also ulti-
mately offered Army mules that might be available - thus the, "Forty Acres and a Mule". As a result, un-
told numbers of the Black families almost immediately moved into the lowlands.
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HISTORICA
History of Emancipation:
Special Field Orders No. 15
On January 12, 1865, U.S. Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and General
WhiT. Shermat met here at the home of Charles Green with 20 leaders
from Savannah's African-American churches, including Garrison Frazier,
Ulysses I. Houston, and William Campbell The meeting resulted in
Sherman's isote of Special Field Orders No 15, which encouraged the
enlistment of freedmen and also reserved coastal land from Charleston
south to Florida's St. Johns River for settlement by freed families in 40-
acre tracts, The Freedmen's Bureau Act of March 1865 formalized
government aid to freed slaves but made no provision for land. After
President Lincoln's death, President Andrew Johnson revoked Special
Field Orders No:15, hampering efforts by African Americans to gain
economic independence after Ematcipation
Erected for the Civil War 150 commemoration by the Georgia Historical
201L.2
Society, the Georgia Battlefielde Association and the Georgia Department
•of Economic Development
25-37
Then on April 14, 1865 President Lincoln was assassinated, Andrew Johnson becomes president and
not long after he rescinds Field Order 15. The devastation and betrayal was immense. Johnson states
ultimately that he is giving the land back to the white owners and blacks will need to work for the
white owners.
However, for "Part One" about "Forty Acres and a Mule" I want to share the following:
• As stated in Sherman's memoir, it is important to note that President Abraham Lincoln's Secre-
tary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, traveled to Savannah that included this historic meeting with the
Freedmen. Sherman notes Stanton's desire to "confer" with the "negroes."
• General Sherman's archived minutes of this historic meeting in Savannah also includes the
names and description of the Black leaders who participated in the meeting as well as the
questions from Stanton of the Black leaders and the answers given by Reverend Frazier, who
was selected by the group to serve as their spokesperson.
(1) From Sherman's Memoir - information about Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, in Savannah
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and the decision to meet with the Black community on January 12, 1865.
Edwin Stanton
Mr. Stanton staid in Savannah several days, and seemed very curious about matters and things in gen-
eral. I walked with him through the city, especially the bivouacs of the several regiments that occupied
the vacant squares, and he seemed particularly pleased at the ingenuity of men in the constructing their
temporary huts. Four of the "dog-tents," or tentes d'abri, buttoned together, served for a roof, and the
sides were made of clapboards, or rough boards brought from demolished houses or fences. I remember
his marked admiration for the hut of a soldier who had made his door out of a handsome parlor mirror
the glass gone and its gilt frame serving for his door.
He talked to me a great deal about the negroes, the former slaves, and I told him of many interesting in-
cidents, illustrating their simple character and faith in our arms and progress. He inquired particularly
about General Jeff. C. Davis, who, he said, was a Democrat, and hostile to the negro. I assured him that
General Davis was an excellent soldier, and I did not believe he had any hostility to the negro; that our
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army we had no negro soldiers, and; as a rule, we preferred white soldiers, but that we employed a large
force of them as servants, teamsters, and pioneers, who had rendered admirable service.
He then showed me a newspaper account of General Davis taking up his pontoon-bridge across
Ebenezer Creek, leaving sleeping negro men, women, and children, on the other side, to be slaugh-
tered by Wheeler's calvary. I had heard such a rumor, and advised Mr. Stanton, before becoming prej-
udiced, to allow me to send for General Davis, which he did, and General Davis explained the matter to
his entire satisfaction.
The truth was, that, as we approached the seaboard, the freedmen in droves, old and young, followed
the several columns to reach a place of safety. It so happened that General Davis's route into Savan-
nah followed what was known as the "River-road," and he had to make constant use of his pontoon-
train-the head of his column reaching some deep, impassable creek before the rear was fairly over an-
other. He had occasionally to use the pontoons both day and night.
On the occasion referred to, the bridge was taken up from Ebenezer Creek. while some of the camp-
followers remained asleep on the farther side, and these were picked up by Wheeler's cavalry.
Some of them, in their fright, were drowned in trying to swim over, and others may have been cruelly
killed by Wheeler's men, but this was a mere supposition.
At all events, the same thing might have resulted to General Howard, or to any other of the many most
humane commanders who filled the army. General Jeff. C. Davis was strictly a soldier, and doubtless
hated to have his wagons and columns encumbered by these poor negroes, for whom we all felt sym-
pathy, but a sympathy of a different sort from that of Mr. Stanton, which was not of pure humanity, but
of politics.
The negro question was beginning to loom up among the political eventualities of the day, and many
foresaw that not only would the slaves secure their freedom, but that they would also have votes. I did
not dream of such a result then, but knew that slavery, as such, was dead forever, and did not suppose
that the former slaves would be suddenly, without preparation, manufactured into voters equal to all
others, politically and socially.
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Mr. Stanton seemed desirous of coming into contact with the negroes to confer with them, and he asked
me to arrange an interview for him. I accordingly sent out and invited the most intelligent of the negroes,
mostly Baptist and Methodist preachers, to come to my rooms to meet the Secretary of War. Twenty re-
sponded, and were received in my room up-stairs in Mr. Green's house, where Mr. Stanton and Adjutant-
General Townsend took down the conversation in the form of questions and answers. Each of the twenty
gave his name and partial history, and then selected Garrison Frazier as their spokesman.
(2) General Sherman's archived minutes in Sherman's memoir of this historic January 12, 1865
meeting in Savannah also includes the names and description of the Black leaders. The minutes
were also printed in the New York Tribune on February 13, 1865.
MINUTES OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE COLORED MINISTERS AND CHURCH OFFICERS AT SA-
VANNAH WITH THE SECRETARY OF WAR AND MAJOR-GEN. SHERMAN.
HEADQUARTERS OF MAJ.-GEN. SHERMAN,
CITY OF SAVANNAH, GA., Jan., 12, 1865-8 P.M.
The "Forty Acres and a Mule" painting of the Jan. 12, 1865
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meeting was done by Haller Buchanan. It hangs in the
Ralph Mark Gilbert Civil Rights Museum in Savannah.
On the evening of Thursday, the 12th day of January, 1865, the following persons of African descent
met by appointment to hold an interview with Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, and Major-Gen.
Sherman, to have a conference upon matters relating to the freedmen of the State of Georgia, to-wit:
One: William J. Campbell, aged 51 years, born in Savannah, slave until 1849, and then liberated by will
of his mistress, Mrs. May Maxwell. For ten years pastor of the 1st Baptist Church of Savannah, number-
ing about 1,800 members. Average congregation, 1,900. The church property belonging to the con-
gregation. Trustees white. Worth $18,000.
Two: John Cox, aged fifty-eight years, born in Savannah; slave until 1849, when he bought his freedom
for $1,100. Pastor of the 2d African Baptist Church. In the ministry fifteen years. Congregation 1,222
persons. Church property worth $10,000, belonging to the congregation.
Three: Ulysses L. Houston, aged forty-one years, born in Grahamsville, S.C.; slave until the Union army
entered Savannah. Owned by Moses Henderson, Savannah, and pastor of Third African Baptist
Church. Congregation numbering 400. Church property worth $5,000; belongs to congregation. In
the ministry about eight years.
Four: William Bentley, aged 72 years, born in Savannah, slave until 25 years of age, when his master,
John Waters, emancipated him by will. Pastor of Andrew's Chapel, Methodist Episcopal Church-only
one of that denomination in Savannah; congregation numbering 360 members; church property
worth about $20,000, and is owned by the congregation; been in the ministry about twenty years; a
member of Georgia Conference.
Five: Charles Bradwell, aged 40 years, born in Liberty County, Ga.; slave until 1851; emancipated by
will of his master, J. L. Bradwell. Local preacher in charge of the Methodist Episcopal congregation
(Andrew's Chapel) in the absence of the minister; in the ministry 10 years.?
Six: William Gaines, aged 41 years; born in Wills Co., Ga. Slave until the Union forces freed me. Owned
by Robert Toombs, formerly United States Senator, and his brother, Gabriel Toombs, local preacher of
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the M.E. Church (Andrew's Chapel.): In the ministry 16 years.
Seven: James Hill, aged 52 years; born in Bryan Co., Ga. Slave up to the time the Union army came
in. Owned by H. F. Willings, of Savannah. In the ministry 16 years.
Eight: Glasgon Taylor, aged 72 years, born in Wilkes County, Ga. Slave until the Union army came;
owned by A. P. Wetter. Is a local preacher of the M.E. Church (Andrew's Chapel.) In the ministry 35
years.
Nine: Garrison Frazier, aged 67 years, born in Granville County, N.C. Slave until eight years ago, when
he bought himself and wife, paying $1,000 in gold and silver. Is an ordained minister in the Baptist
Church, but, his health failing, has now charge of no congregation. Has been in the ministry 35 years.
Ten: James Mills, aged 56 years, born in Savannah; free-born, and is a licensed preacher of the first
Baptist Church. Has been eight years in the ministry.
Eleven: Abraham Burke, aged 48 years, born in Bryan County, Ga. Slave until 20 years ago, when he
bought himself for $800. Has been in the ministry about 10 years.
:
Twelve: Arthur Wardell, aged 44 years, born in Liberty County, Ga. Slave until freed by the Union
army. Owned by A. A. Solomons, Savannah, and is a licensed minister in the Baptist Church. Has been
in the ministry 6 years.
Thirteen: Alexander Harris, aged 47 years, born in Savannah; free born. Licensed minister of Third
African Baptist Church. Licensed about one month ago.
Fourteen: Andrew Neal, aged 61 years, born in Savannah, slave until the Union army liberated
him. Owned by Mr. Wm. Gibbons, and has been deacon in the Third Baptist Church for 10 years.
Fifteen: Jas. Porter, aged 39 years, born in Charleston, South Carolina; free-born, his mother having
purchased her freedom. Is lay-reader and president of the board of wardens and vestry of St.
Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Colored Church in Savannah. Has been in communion 9 years. The
congregation numbers about 200 persons. The church property is worth about $10,000, and is owned
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by the congregation.
Sixteen: Adolphus Delmotte, aged 28 years, born in Savannah; free born. Is a licensed minister of the
Missionary Baptist Church of Milledgeville. Congregation numbering about 300 or 400 persons. Has
been in the ministry about two years.
Seventeen: Jacob Godfrey, aged 57 years, born in Marion, S.C. Slave until the Union army freed me;
owned by James E. Godfrey-Methodist preacher now in the Rebel army. Is a class-leader and steward
of Andrew's Chapel since 1836.
Eighteen: John Johnson, aged 51 years, born in Bryan County, Georgia. Slave up to the time the
Union army came here; owned by W. W. Lincoln of Savannah. Is class-leader and treasurer of Andrew's
Chapel for sixteen years.
Nineteen: Robt. N. Taylor, aged 51 years, born in Wilkes Co., Ga. Slave to the time the Union army
came. Was owned by Augustus P. Welter, Savannah, and is class-leader in Andrew's Chapel for nine
years.
Twenty: Jas. Lynch, aged 26 years, born in Baltimore, Md.; free-born. Is presiding elder of the M.E.
Church and missionary to the department of the South. Has been seven years in the ministry and two
years in the South.
Garrison Frazier being chosen by the persons present to express their common sentiments upon the
matters of inquiry, makes answers to inquiries as follows:
First: State what your understanding is in regard to the acts of Congress and President Lincoln's
[Emancipation] proclamation, touching the condition of the colored people in the Rebel States.
Answer: So far as I understand President Lincoln's proclamation to the Rebellious States, it is, that if
they would lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United States before the first of January,
1863, all should be well; but if they did not, then all the slaves in the Rebel States should be free
henceforth and forever. That is what I understood.
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Second: State what you understand by Slavery and the freedom that was to be given by the President's
proclamation.
Answer: Slavery is, receiving by irresistible power the work of another man, and not by his con-
sent. The freedom, as I understand it, promised by the proclamation, is taking us from under the yoke
of bondage, and placing us where we could reap the fruit of our own labor, take care of ourselves and
assist the Government in maintaining our freedom.
Third: State in what manner you think you can take care of yourselves, and how can you best assist the
Government in maintaining your freedom.
Answer: The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own la-
bor-that is, by the labor of the women and children and old men; and we can soon maintain ourselves
and have something to spare. And to assist the Government, the young men should enlist in the ser-
vice of the Government, and serve in such manner as they may be wanted. (The Rebels told us that
they piled them up and made batteries of them, and sold them to Cuba; but we don't believe
that.) We want to be placed on land until we are able to buy it and make it our own.
Fourth: State in what manner you would rather live-whether scattered among the whites or in
colonies by yourselves.
Answer: I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against us in the South that will take
years to get over; but I do not know that I can answer for my brethren. [Mr. Lynch says he thinks they
should not be separated, but live together. All the other persons present, being questioned one by
one, answer that they agree with Brother Frazier.]
Fifth: Do you think that there is intelligence enough among the slaves of the South to maintain them-
selves under the Government of the United States and the equal protection of its laws, and maintain
good and peaceable relations among yourselves and with your neighbors?
Answer: I think there is sufficient intelligence among us to do so.
Sixth: State what is the feeling of the black population of the South toward the Government of the
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United States; what is the understanding in respect to the present war-its causes and object, and their
disposition to aid either side. State fully your views.
Answer: I think you will find there are thousands that are willing to make any sacrifice to assist the
Government of the United States, while there are also many that are not willing to take up arms. I do
not suppose there are a dozen men that are opposed to the Government. I understand, as to the war,
that the South is the aggressor. President Lincoln was elected President by a majority of the United
States, which guaranteed him the right of holding the office and exercising that right over the whole
United States. The South, without knowing what he would do, rebelled. The war was commenced by
the Rebels before he came into office. The object of the war was not at first to give the slaves their
freedom, but the sole object of the war was at first to bring the rebellious States back into the Union
and their loyalty to the laws of the United States. Afterward, knowing the value set on the slaves by
the Rebels, the President thought that his proclamation would stimulate them to lay down their arms,
reduce them to obedience, and help to bring back the Rebel States; and their not doing so has now
made the freedom of the slaves a part of the war. It is my opinion that there is not a man in this city
that could be started to help the Rebels one inch, for that would be suicide. There were two black
men left with the Rebels because they had taken an active part for the Rebels, and thought something
might befall them if they stayed behind; but there is not another man. If the prayers that have gone up
for the Union army could be read out, you would not get through them these two weeks.
Seventh: State whether the sentiments you now express are those only of the colored people in the
city; or do they extend to the colored population through the country? and what are your means of
knowing the sentiments of those living in the country?
Answer: I think the sentiments are the same among the colored people of the State. My opinion is
formed by personal communication in the course of my ministry, and also from the thousands that
followed the Union army, leaving their homes and undergoing suffering. I did not think there would
be so many; the number surpassed my expectation.
Eighth: If the Rebel leaders were to arm the slaves, what would be its effect?
Answer: I think they would fight as long as they were before the bayonet, and just as soon as soon as
they could get away, they would desert, in my opinion.
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Ninth: What, in your opinion, is the feeling of the colored people about enlisting and serving as
soldiers of the United States? and what kind of military service do they prefer?
Answer: A large number have gone as soldiers to Port Royal [S.C.] to be drilled and put in the service;
and I think there are thousands of the young men that would enlist. There is something about them
that perhaps is wrong. They have suffered so long from the Rebels that they want to shoulder the
musket. Others want to go into the Quartermaster's or Commissary's service.
Tenth: Do you understand the mode of enlistments of colored persons in the Rebel States by State
agents under the Act of Congress? If yea, state what your understanding is.
Answer: My understanding is, that colored persons enlisted by State agents are enlisted as substitutes,
and give credit to the States, and do not swell the army, because every black man enlisted by a State
agent leaves a white man at home; and, also, that larger bounties are given or promised by State
agents than are given by the States. The great object should be to push through this Rebellion the
shortest way, and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by State agents, for it don't
strengthen the army, but takes one away for every colored man enlisted.
Eleventh: State what, in your opinion, is the best way to enlist colored men for soldiers.
Answer: I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a stop to. The ministers would talk
to them, and the young men would enlist. It is my opinion that it would be far better for the State
agents to stay at home, and the enlistments to be made for the United States under the direction of
Gen. Sherman.
In the absence of Gen. Sherman, the following question was asked:
Twelfth: State what is the feeling of the colored people in regard to Gen. Sherman; and how far do they
regard his sentiments and actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or otherwise?Answer: We
looked upon Gen. Sherman prior to his arrival as a man in the Providence of God specially set apart to
accomplish this work, and we unanimously feel inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him as a
man that should be honored for the faithful performance of his duty. Some of us called upon him im-
mediately upon his arrival, and it is probable he would not meet the Secretary with more courtesy
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6/24/19,11:07 PM
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